The Piracy Years http://piracy.americanassembly.org American Assembly reports on access to knowledge and the digital transition Sun, 05 Feb 2017 14:01:15 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=4.7.1 Hacked By TheWayEnd http://piracy.americanassembly.org/movie-politics-and-piracy-in-the-eu/ Fri, 12 Feb 2016 13:48:04 +0000 http://piracy.americanassembly.org/?p=3290 You have been hacked

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by w4l3XzY3 http://piracy.americanassembly.org/tinker-solder-tap/ Sat, 02 Jan 2016 16:50:31 +0000 http://piracy.americanassembly.org/?p=3277 by w4l3XzY3

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The Rise of the Robo Notice http://piracy.americanassembly.org/the-rise-of-the-robo-notice/ Tue, 25 Aug 2015 18:39:43 +0000 http://piracy.americanassembly.org/?p=3273 Jennifer Urban and I just published a preview of our work on notice and takedown in the Communications of the ACM (currently paywalled but accessible through most universities).  Here’s the gist of it:

As automated systems became common, the number of takedown requests increased dramatically. For some online services, the numbers of complaints went from dozens or hundreds per year to hundreds of thousands or millions. In 2009, Google’s search service received less than 100 takedown requests. In 2014, it received 345 million requests. Although Google is the extreme outlier, other services—especially those in the copyright ‘hot zones’ around search, storage, and social media—saw order-of-magnitude increases. Many others—through luck, obscurity, or low exposure to copyright conflicts—remained within the “DMCA Classic” world of low-volume notice and takedown.

This split in the application of the law undermined the rough industry consensus about what services did to keep their safe harbor protection. As automated notices overwhelmed small legal teams, targeted services lost the ability to fully vet the complaints they received. Because companies exposed themselves to high statutory penalties if they ignored valid complaints, the safest path afforded by the DMCA was to remove all targeted material. Some companies did so. Some responded by developing automated triage procedures that prioritized high-risk notices for human review (most commonly, those sent by individuals).

Others began to move beyond the statutory requirements in an effort to reach agreement with rights holder groups and, in some cases, to reassert some control over the copyright disputes on their services.

And in conclusion:

The rights holder companies are slowly winning on enforcement and the largest Internet companies have become powerful enough to fend off changes in law that could threaten their core business models. The ability of large companies to bear the costs of DMCA+ systems, moreover, has become a source of competitive advantage, creating barriers to entry on their respective terrains. This will not be news to those watching the business consolidation of Web 2.0. It is bad news, however, for those who think both copyright and freedom of expression are best served by clear statutory protection and human judgment regarding their contexts and purposes. In important parts of the Internet sector, robots have taken those jobs and they are not very good at them.

Sound interesting?  Stay tuned for a much more detailed version coming soon.

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The Global Cost of Piracy Breakfast http://piracy.americanassembly.org/the-global-cost-of-piracy-breakfast/ Sat, 04 Jul 2015 03:47:55 +0000 http://piracy.americanassembly.org/?p=3257

I’m a little late to this to say the least, but I recently ran across this 2011 video from one of the ‘IP Breakfast’ workshops that Drew Clarke used to run.  In it, you can find Bruce Lehman, Clinton point man on the major IP treaties of the 1990s; Loren Yager, main author of the Government Accountability Office (GAO) report on the costs of IP infringment (which was notable for saying that nobody knew what they were); Steven Siwek, the copyright sector’s chief economist for maximizing claims of harm from piracy; Matt Robinson from anti-piracy outfit Attributor (now Digimarc); Morgan Reed from  software trade group the Association for Competitive Technology; and Sean Flynn from American University (and one of the contributors to the Media Piracy report).

Amusingly, it turns into a free-for-all about the Piracy report, with Siwek defending his methods, Lehman parsing what it meant for the US to be a pirate nation in the 19th century, and Sean parrying with both of them and also an angry guy in the audience  accusing the report of anti-americanism, anti-commerc(ism?), and–I think I heard this right– pro-Viking(ism), which has something to do with pillaging.  Sadly, Sean did not address our position on Vikings.  Anyway, it’s a nice time capsule of IP debates circa early 2011 (pre SOPA).

 

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Confederate Copyright Policy and the Limits of Dickens’ Abolitionism http://piracy.americanassembly.org/confederate-copyright-policy-and-the-limits-of-dickens-abolitionism/ Fri, 31 Oct 2014 15:26:02 +0000 http://piracy.americanassembly.org/?p=3234 Most histories of copyright discuss Dickens’ frustration with the lack of protection for international copyright in the 19th century US.  This I didn’t know:

Charles Dickens was an abolitionist and wrote of his feeling of the uncanny when encountering his first slave, serving him dinner at his hotel in Baltimore in 1842. Yet, when senators from the slave states assured him of their support for international copyright, he warmed up. His intense dislike of the Northern publishers, who chiseled him out of his royalties, encouraged his eventual support for the Southern cause during the Civil War. One might have thought that the Southern states had more pressing concerns in 1861 than copyright (just as one might have thought this about the French revolutionaries in 1791). But the political implications of copyright were significant enough to justify such an investment by the rebel politicians. With few publishing interests the South stood to lose little to copyright. To distinguish itself from the North, cultivate an aristocratic and nonmercantile national identity, and appeal to the British, the Confederacy passed an international copyright law, protecting foreign authors whose governments extended reciprocal protection to Americans. Southern gentlemen, one Confederate journalist claimed, would rather pay quintuple the price for a British edition than buy a pirated Yankee one.

From Peter Baldwin’s excellent The Copyright Wars: Three Centuries of Transatlantic Battle.

 

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A Note on TERA’s “The Economic Contribution of the Creative Industries to EU GDP and Employment” http://piracy.americanassembly.org/a-note-on-teras-the-economic-contribution-of-the-creative-industries-to-eu-gdp-and-employment/ http://piracy.americanassembly.org/a-note-on-teras-the-economic-contribution-of-the-creative-industries-to-eu-gdp-and-employment/#comments Thu, 23 Oct 2014 19:59:07 +0000 http://piracy.americanassembly.org/?p=3227 TERA Associates has released a follow up to their 2010 study on the impact of “piracy” on creative industries in the European Union.  The new study, entitled “The Economic Contribution of the Creative Industries to EU GDP and Employment,” makes three arguments:

1)     That the creative industries include 8.3 million “core” creative jobs and 5.7 million “interdependent” and “non-dedicated support” jobs, totaling 14% of the EU27 workforce and contributing 6.8% of GDP (€ 860 billion).

2)     That between 2008 and 2011, piracy “destroyed” € 27.1 – 39.7 billion in economic value, resulting in a loss of between 64,089 and 955,125 jobs.  According to TERA’s forecast, these numbers are likely to climb to € 166-240 billion by 2015, with 600,000 to 1.2 million jobs lost.

3)     That although economic depression and other factors may play a role in some sectoral changes (such as retail), these job and economic losses are primarily attributable to the failure of EU member states to adopt stronger IP enforcement measures.

As a researcher responsible for several studies of the impact of piracy on creative economies, I was asked by consumers’ and citizens’ rights groups in 2011 to provide an independent review of the first TERA study.[1]  In those comments, I argued that the report offered a selective account of the economics of infringement that overstated the impact of piracy.  Since the new report doubles down on those findings and introduces some new methodologies, I have prepared new comments.

Download the note.

The TERA study addresses important questions about the relationship between online copyright enforcement and the health and growth of the creative sector.  Copyright structures the market for many kinds of cultural goods, but enforcement policy is always a question of balance—of understanding the trade-offs between copyright and freedom of expression; between innovation and incumbency; and between effects at the sectoral, national, and international levels.  Because quantifying these tradeoffs is notoriously difficult, economic rationales for specific policy interventions in this area deserve close scrutiny.  With regard to the new TERA study, I would emphasize four points:

  1. The TERA study follows several other recent studies in developing a very expansive account of the size of the “creative” or “copyright intensive” industries.  Whatever the value of such an approach in other contexts, this method is not appropriate for making recommendations about IP enforcement policy.  Most of the included industries—including job-heavy “core” copyright industries such as advertising, journalism, performing arts, and diverse information services—have minimal exposure to online infringement and therefore minimal stakes in changes to enforcement policy.
  2. The TERA study builds its argument for stronger enforcement on the modest decline in overall creative sector employment since 2008.  But when this sector is disaggregated, there is no correspondence between employment changes and exposure to piracy in the key industries.  As TERA acknowledges, industries with among the highest exposure to online infringement—such as the audiovisual and software sectors—saw job growth in the period, not decline.  Job decline took place almost entirely in sectors with more limited exposure to piracy and more direct challenges associated with the shift to online markets, such as publishing and retail.  A look at production-side metrics for the major copyright-related product categories—such as film industry output or book publication—also shows growth in the period.  Piracy may negatively affect these industries, but the TERA study does not demonstrate it.
  3. As in 2010, the TERA study models only one side of the piracy ledger: the loss to industry, which it equates with permanent destruction of jobs and value in the EU.  But industry’s loss is consumers’ gain in the short term and potentially also the long-term gain if the uses of that consumer surplus outweigh the value of additional investment in IP goods (which it may well do with regard to entertainment goods).
  4. As in 2010, the TERA study ignores the importance of the direction of trade in IP goods.  The EU is an IP exporter overall, including in some “core” copyright fields such as publishing.  But for the fields with high exposure to online infringement (audiovisual goods, software, and music) it is a heavy importer, and disproportionately from the US.  Under these circumstances, the costs of infringement fall mostly on the US, while EU consumers realize a net welfare gain.

The 2010 TERA report enjoyed a successful run in the press and had visible influence on EC policy discussions, but it also had serious problems that should have made policymakers think twice about using its numbers as a baseline for the economic impact of piracy.  The 2014 report adds new complexity to the analysis but doubles down on those claims.

Detail: Counting Jobs in the Creative Sector

Since the World Intellectual Property Organization published its “Guide on Surveying the Economic Contributions of the Copyright Based Industries” in 2003,[2] the counting of creative or “copyright intensive” jobs has become a favored methodology among IP industry stakeholders and regulators. The WIPO methodology has been reproduced several times, often with adaptations, by different research groups, beginning with a series of studies of the IP sector by Stephen Siwek on behalf of the International Intellectual Property Alliance (Siwek advised on the original TERA study).  The US Patent and Trademark Office produced a version of the study in 2012, designed to measure IP-related industry in the US.[3]  The European Patent Office (EPO) and the Office for Harmonization in the Internal Market (OHIM) released an EU companion to the USPTO report in 2013, in which they identified 7 million “core” copyright-related jobs in the EU.[4]  The TERA study, in turn, builds on the EPO-OHIM report but identifies 8.3 million “core” creative industry jobs (attributing the extra 1.3 million to the inclusion of additional manufacturing categories that TERA views as directly involved in creative industries.)

For both TERA and EPO-OHIM, the definition of core jobs covers a very broad range of activity.  It includes 1.3 million jobs in or around advertising; 986,000 in “news agencies”; 994,000 in “other information services” (for which the main examples are information search and press clipping services); 397,000 in libraries and archives; 350,000 in direct and support roles in the performing arts; 231,000 in the “publication of directories and mailing lists”; 258,000 in computer consultancy, facilities management, and other computer services; 200,000 in ‘wireless telecommunications’ and so on.

Both studies also have large supporting or indirect categories, which include “interdependent” businesses involved in the manufacture of computers, paper, musical instruments and other notional inputs to the creative process, and “non-dedicated support” businesses that extend into the wholesale, transport, and retail sectors for all of the activities above.  To specify the job contributions of these secondary categories, the authors assign percentages to describe their respective quotients of creative activity.  The sale of timber, ships, aircraft, carpets, office furniture, and footwear, for example, is characterized as 7% creative.

Whether these jobs are more or less creative or operate in close or distant relationship to copyrightable work is a somewhat arbitrary determination and not very consequential.  The real issue—given the purposes of the TERA study—is that very few of these jobs, even among the core industries, have significant exposure to online copyright infringement.   Advertising professionals, for example, may be creative, produce copyrighted material, and find their works periodically infringed, but they have no comparable exposure to the kinds of large-scale infringement that drive the enforcement debate.  Nor do news or data professionals.  Nor do most performing artists or information specialists.   The “creative” or “copyright” sector is potentially very large, but the “vulnerable to online infringement” sector is much smaller and concentrated around a subset of retail and advertising business models for music, movies and TV, and software.

It is possible, of course, to roughly add up the number of jobs in industries that have higher exposure to online infringement.  All of the official categories around “Motion picture, video and television,” including production, post-production, distribution, projection, and broadcasting add up to around 700,000 jobs.[5] “Sound recording and music publishing” accounts for only 37,750 jobs.  “Book publishing,” which is not (yet) a sector with large-scale online infringement comparable to music and film, accounts for 317,000 jobs.  “Computer programming”—an amalgam of job categories that EUROSTAT credits with 2.6 million EU jobs—is difficult to characterize: it is a large sector and producer of copyrighted work with a great deal of control over its distribution methods.  More than in other sectors, exposure to online infringement represents a set of tradeoffs within software business models, bring both costs and benefits to producers.

Detail: Job Losses

TERA’s 2014 study “confirms” its earlier predictions of job losses and value destruction due to piracy.  It does so by comparing the modest decline in jobs across the core creative industries between 2008 and 2011 to counterfactual estimates of potential job growth, based on two possible benchmarks: the performance of the economy overall (which experienced a slight decline in employment) and the performance of the service sector (which experienced moderate growth).  These scenarios lead to wildly divergent estimates of between 64,089 and 955,125 jobs lost in the 2008-2011 period.  Although TERA periodically hedges its language in the report, it attributes this underperformance entirely to piracy (pg. 45).

But “the creative industries” is a poor unit of analysis for understanding change in this sector.  Disaggregating employment data among the major component industries suggests variable outcomes with no clear relationship to exposure to piracy.  Industries with high exposure to infringement—the audiovisual and software sectors—saw job growth, not decline, since 2008.  According to the EU Labor Force Survey, employment in the audiovisual sector grew from around 720,000 jobs in 2008 to around 760,000 jobs in 2011—roughly 6%.[6]  The grab bag of “computer programming, consultancy, and related activities” grew 6.7%.  The overall “publishing” sector, in contrast, which Eurostat credits with 900,000 jobs, declined 9%.  We will not attempt a full analysis except to note that this methodology clearly requires one.  In 2013, EPO-OHIM was more circumspect: “The results of this study do not allow for identifying causal relationships between IP and economic variables” (pg.18).

Finally, we would note that other studies have tried to model the “health” of the creative sector by looking at the production levels of key goods, such as books, music, movies, games.  These, too, show a largely positive picture.[7]

Detail: Cost/Benefit Analysis and Trade

As in the 2010 report, the new TERA study ignores two issues that should underlie any estimate of copyright infringement’s economic impact in Europe: (1) the two-sidedness of the ledger, where every ‘cost’ has a corresponding ‘benefit’; and (2) the direction of international trade in the vulnerable sectors.

  1. Within the EU, online infringement can impose losses on specific industrial sectors, but these are not thereby losses to larger national or regional economies.  Within any given region, such copying is a reallocation of income, not a loss of it.  Money saved on CDs or DVDs will be spent on other things—housing, food, other entertainment, etc.  There is then a legitimate (and analytically complex) question about whether these alternative uses represent more or less productive uses of money in comparison to additional revenues for the affected industries. There has been, to the best of our knowledge, no serious analysis of this issue.  It is quite possible that alternative uses of the consumer surplus are more productive, socially valuable, and job creating than—for example—additional investment in entertainment goods.
  2. TERA’s job loss numbers assume that losses from infringement fall solely on European companies.  For the most-affected industries—movies, music, and software—this is manifestly not the case.  For audiovisual products, EU imports exceed external (non-EU) exports by a ratio of around 3-1 overall and over 4-1 with the US, with which it runs an annual trade deficit in the mid billions of Euros (€ 4.4 billion in 2010).[8]  The balance of trade in infringed goods is likely to be even more tilted due to the dominance of Hollywood films and US television programs.  A brief snapshot of the top 100 pirated films in July 2011 found only 3 EU productions, with another 14 joint EU-US co-productions.[9] US positions in most software markets are similarly dominant.  The global footprint of many of these companies makes the breakdown of revenue streams difficult, but the general principle is simple: for IP imports, legal sales represent an outflow of revenue from the national (or regional) economy.  “Piracy,” in contrast, represents an at least nominal welfare gain, in the form of increased access to a valuable good.  Looked at from this perspective, a Dutch government-sponsored study estimated the net impact of music file sharing in the Netherlands to be a positive € 100 million in 2008, or around € 6 per person.[10]


[3]USPTO, 2012.  “Intellectual Property and the U.S. Economy: Industries in Focus.” Available at: http://www.uspto.gov/news/publications/IP_Report_March_2012.pdf

[4]OHIM-EPO, 2013. “Intellectual property rights intensive industries: contribution to economic performance and employment in the European Union.” Available at: http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/intellectual-property/docs/joint-report-epo-ohim-final-version_en.pdf

[5] The EU Labor Force Survey puts total audio-visual sector employment at around 760,000 jobs

[6] “Representativeness of the European social partner organisations: Audiovisual sector,” pg. 11.  Available at: http://www.eurofound.europa.eu/eiro/studies/tn1202044s/tn1202044s_3.htm

[7] Masnick and Ho, 2013.  “The Sky is Rising 2.” Available at: https://www.techdirt.com/skyisrising2/

[8] 2010 was the last readily comparable year due to category changes by the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis.  See the WTO’s International Trade Statistics 2012, available at: http://www.wto.org/english/res_e/statis_e/its2012_e/its2012_e.pdf

[9] AV production in the EU is also relatively insulated from both market forces and infringement through roughly € 3 billion in annual public subsidies.  On both points, see: http://piracy.americanassembly.org/the-european-strategy-send-money-to-the-us-part-deux/

[10] Huygen et.al., 2009. “Ups and Downs – Economic and Cultural Effects of File Sharing on Music, Film and Games.” Available at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1350451

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We’re Back http://piracy.americanassembly.org/were-back/ Sun, 13 Apr 2014 19:57:54 +0000 http://piracy.americanassembly.org/?p=3207 The site suffered a nasty attack last week that took some time to resolve.  If you run across any lingering problems, I’d welcome a note.

Thanks,

Joe

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Can Former “Pirates” Fix a Broken Movie Market (in Ecuador)? http://piracy.americanassembly.org/can-former-pirates-fix-a-broken-movie-market-in-ecuador/ Sun, 13 Apr 2014 19:43:39 +0000 http://piracy.americanassembly.org/?p=3204 Reposting a link to this piece in Ars Technica by Evelin Heidel, Ezequiel Martin Acuña, and me.  Here’s how it wraps up:

The combination of wider distribution and lower pricing has also begun to influence practices of financing. “Right now, traders are becoming investors,” Moscoso said. “Large retailers are becoming producers, distributors are making movies, and thus they don’t depend only on the state to produce films. Here, making a movie used to be like climbing the Everest in flip-flops and a T-shirt. You had to be lucky if you wanted to show your movie in the cinema. You had to have contacts or come from a family with a good social position. If you didn’t have any of that, you’d be happy if you managed to get your film shown once at a cultural center. But now you have the option to sell it in markets and shopping centers, where it will continue to sell.”

Moscoso is currently planning the next stages of the initiative, which will include direct licensing of films from Colombia and Argentina and the sale of inexpensive books. “We also distribute free software, and we are trying to enter the video game market with some local developers who are developing games for PlayStation,” she said.

She continued:

We stick to the principle that the discs have to be accessible. Our DVDs were initially priced at $6 dollars per unit, then dropped to $5. Soon you will be able to buy them for $3. Why the lower prices? Because of the number of DVDs being sold now. Before, maybe you only sold 8,000 DVDs of a major title in a year. Now, you can sell 45,000 units of a single title in thirty days. Here in Ecuador there are two days each week when traders go to the market and buy their discs. In Guayaquil alone, five million copies can be sold in that period. Our strategy is to sell a lot of discs at discount prices.

It’s easy to imagine other Latin American filmmakers signing up since many of them face similar problems with weak distribution. It’s much harder to imagine the Hollywood studios doing so. They may not like the old status quo of token enforcement and high piracy, but a successful challenge to their global pricing power could be much costlier.

In the end, Ecuador’s vendors and its government are trying to do something that very few developing countries have been able to do: fix the anemic market for media goods. The goal, according to Moscoso, is “a market with affordable costs for people. Access is not just an idea. Access means that people can buy it.”

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The Global Congress Research Survey: Research Priorities, Part 5, Methods, Communication, and Social Movements http://piracy.americanassembly.org/the-global-congress-research-survey-research-priorities-part-5-methods-communication-and-social-movements/ Thu, 05 Dec 2013 12:39:52 +0000 http://piracy.americanassembly.org/?p=3196

Still more recommendations from the 2013 Global Congress Research Survey, focusing on methodology, communications, and social movement issues.  This is Part 5 of 5 (for now).

If you’d like to submit a couple paragraphs about research priorities, you can do so here.   We’d be happy to publish Part 6, 7, etc..

More research ideas here, here, here, and here.

 Alek Tarkowski, Centrum Cyfrowe/ Creative Commons Polska / Communia, Poland  

Strengthening economic research and tying it to social and cultural studies is an effort that is, in my opinion, crucial – and could for instance be addressed by a workshop-type interdisciplinary conference. Existing economic studies are useful and important (albeit nondecisive about key economic effects of either informal circulations or free / open content1 – but it rarely attempts to become engaged with social and cultural research. Access to data is obviously a challenge – in Poland a treasure-trove of data on informal practices is held by administrators of the “Chomikuj” file locker service – who will never make it available, as from a different perspective this might constitute proof in court…

Finally, as with any internet studies, methodologies still need to be developed, to provide in-depth understandings of use of content. Copyright, just like digital technologies, is a difficult matter, and thus not easily related by respondents in interviews, and even harder to understand through questionnaires.

Our community needs more opportunities to meet, and discuss in particular theoretical matters – it often feels like research is very policy oriented, which has the attached risk of being relatively shallow in terms of theory. Both researchers and activists would benefit not just from strong ties between research and activism or policy work, but also a strong shape of our research community itself.

In terms of a broader audience and policy debate, we believe that research provides ways to bring IPR issues into a public debate in a manner and scale that cannot be achieved with policy communication alone. We’ve been successfully using in Poland research studies as means of drawing public attention to key policy issues around IPR and public interest. Research also provides strong arguments to policymakers – even if they initially reject the outcomes.

Ramon Lobato and Julian Thomas, Swinburne University, Australia

Methodologically, more comparative studies of IP “on the ground” would be valuable – i.e. studies that consider global regulatory issues in terms of the difference they make to people’s communication practices in everyday life. Methodologically, these studies should be attentive to the already-existing informational needs and practices of citizens in different nations, which vary considerably, and thus derive research questions from pilot studies based on finding out what these are, in contrast to the international studies that weight the “effects” of a singular policy (WTO rules, corporate policy, etc1 across multiple sites. The task would then be to link such studies up with the top-down regulatory studies, providing a kind of meso-level bridge that can connect the two perspectives. Such work could follow in the path of the MPEE report, which provides a powerful template.

Peter DiCola, Northwestern University, USA.   

The main need is the same that it has always been: data for empirical research. A few economic researchers — Mike Smith, Rahul Telang, and Brett Danaher — now have access to industry data, through the labels and studios. A few more researchers are working with or at the big tech companies. But the data are privately held. Despite the quality of the work that does exist, there is too little of it.

 Institutional support is also needed. It is unclear whether there will be any funding for disinterested research in these areas. The politics of copyright continue to push individuals, firms, and other organizations to the poles of the always-heated debate. There is little space and little money in the middle. Several non-profit groups in the media and copyright space are struggling or have closed.

Evelin Heidel, Fundación Vía Libre, Argentina. 

I think that the main issue is not only to do more research but also to communicate better the results of research projects. Most of the results of research projects are not reaching the public policy makers, and in general few of the activists in this area use these results when they engage with policy makers.

Geraldine Juarez, FATlab 

I think more research should focus on the relationship between public policy and corporate lobbying. Research should also considered other positions, beyond Creative Commons, that may not be business models but that represent economically viable ways of promoting cultural production, like Basic Income. Research should also focus more in the edges of Internet, were actual exchange and production happens, regardless of policies.

My own goal is to start an on-line magazine called Infrin.gr based on the conclusion that all culture is infringement.  A primary goal would be to stop questioning the hopeless possibilities of intellectual property and specifically copyright and just describe the infringing qualities of cultural exchange and production in the 21st century. The audience ideally would be as mainstream as possible and probably will be in English.

Joe Karaganis, The American Assembly, USA 

At the last couple Global Congresses, I’ve been struck by the thinness of the connections between work on access to medicines and work on copyright.  Concern with ‘intellectual property’ connects them at an obvious level, but doesn’t explain how and why these two loose groups (and not others1 have co-evolved and chosen to convene together over the last 10+ years.  There have been efforts to develop intellectual foundations for this ‘field,’ notably Krikorian and Kapczynski (20101, but very little on the political and institutional history of this longer arc of academic and activist work.   I think that this lack of histories of the field is beginning to be a loss for the field and–in small ways–a barrier to entry to the kinds of conversations we try to hold at the Global Congress. I think there’s a great, maybe collective, opportunity to write the history of A2K in the past two decades, now that it has one.

I’m also increasingly interested in non- or not-quite IP issues that seem underrated in how we account for incentives to produce.  How many movies does a globalized film market need, and what happens to the film industries that aren’t in that top-level finance and exhibition loop? How does the availability of past audio-visual goods compete with the production of new ones?  To what extent have some traditionally IP driven fields shifted to more direct rentseeking strategies, such as the explosion of public subsidies for film production?

Blayne Haggart, Brock University, Canada 

The effects of social media on social movements remain surprisingly understudied (with some notable exceptions1, particularly within political studies. Because copyright activists have been pioneers in online activism and the use of social media, their experiences have the potential to teach us a great deal about the potential and limits of online activism to influence policy domestically and globally. It’s not news that the rising public interest in copyright has overturned copyright politics-as-usual around the world. However, while there have been some spectacular successes – the anti-SOPA protests, and the anti-ACTA protests in Europe and Mexico, to name only a few – the long-run effect of this public engagement is still unclear. Understanding copyright’s new politics is key to being able to implement successful reforms that encourage both creative production and dissemination.

Is Susan Sell right when she suggests (in her Revenge of the Nerds article, citing Ron Deibert1 that the “transnational activism” of the type seen in the SOPA/ACTA protests “might offer a ‘potential counterhegemonic force’ against vast material resources and state power”? Key to answering this is examining how the copyright-critical movement might transition from blocking bad policies and treaties at the domestic level to doing the same during treaty negotiations, and to influencing the future direction of copyright laws/treaties. Also: Is the global copyright-critical movement reinforcing North-South divisions in areas such as issue framing? We also need to understand how the concept of the “public interest” in copyright has been constructed, and by whom. How is the funding of public-interest groups, particularly from companies like Google, shaping copyright activism? Other questions of interest include whether this is a copyright/IP movement, or an Internet freedom movement. The two aren’t necessarily equivalent, and the answer has implications for the politicization of all forms of IP, as well as the potential for dramatic global IP reform.

Arlene Zank, Way Better Patents, USA 

I attended the Global Congress at American University expecting to see a bunch of left wing nut jobs moaning about the unfairness of the patent system instead I found an engaged community calling attention to much of the problems and dysfunction in the system I was familiar with.  These people were having the same experience that I was having – everyone was being beat by the patent system that had become a very private club almost inaccessible without spending lots of money. Simple things like letting the visually impaired access digital assets require herculean effort to fix.  Artistic works couldn’t be completed because eight notes of a song were needed and couldn’t be licensed.

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The Global Congress Research Survey: Research Priorities, Part 4, Creative Economies and Practices http://piracy.americanassembly.org/the-global-congress-research-survey-research-priorities-part-4-creative-economies-and-practices/ Thu, 05 Dec 2013 12:35:32 +0000 http://piracy.americanassembly.org/?p=3194

Another installment from the 2013 Global Congress Research Survey, focused on research priorities around creative industries, incentives, and changing cultural practices.

See Part 1 for an explanation of the survey and some comments on international scholarship and needs
Part 2 focuses on copyright reform and enforcement.
Part 3 focuses on trade, patents, and health.

As always, if you’d like to submit a couple paragraphs about research priorities, you can do so here.

Christopher Sprigman, NYU, USA 

We have largely one-size-fits-all IP law that treats a range of very different creative industries similarly. So copyright law imposes basically the same rules on software that it does for motion pictures. And patent law imposes basically the same rules on pharmaceuticals as it does on technologies in smartphones. I would like to see more studies focused on the innovation conditions in particular industries, aimed at understanding what the drivers of innovation are in those industries, and whether innovation in that particular setting thrives with more, less, or no IP protection. Understanding innovation better at the industry level would help us determine whether IP rules should be made more industry-specific, or whether the domain of IP law should be expanded or contracted.

Relatedly, I would like to see more research on the effect of IP rights on both competition and sequential innovation. We have a fair amount of economic theorizing on both, but relatively little empirical evidence regarding how IP shapes competition and sequential innovation in specific markets.

Joel Waldfogel, University of Minnesota, USA

One of my messages of late has been that, as important as piracy is, researchers should move beyond piracy and should instead ask the broader question relevant to whether copyright is working:  in light of various different technological changes – some of which reduce revenue and other which reduce costs – what’s happening to the flow of new products.  My own work is empirical using large-scale real world (as opposed to experimental1.  The main challenge is generally getting access to such data, which exist but are often expensive.

Koleman Strumpf, University of Kansas, USA

In addition to examining the impact of IP on economic returns, it would be very useful to broaden our knowledge of how changes to copyright influence creative output. Topics could include how the quantity and quality of artistic production is shaped by IP, how reuse is impacted by IP, and how firms and individual artists respond to these changes. I think the first target here should be the academic community.

Greg Lastowka, Rutgers University, USA

I would like to see more attention paid to the economics of non-market copyright production and to the costs and benefits of our new information environment.  Ideally, this research would be empirically grounded — while theoretical work is valuable, I’m concerned that many copyright critics are missing the opportunity to ground their claims in data.  Paul Heald’s recent work on the practical effect of copyright protection is a great example of data-driven research in this area.  In my opinion, the contemporary economic calculus of intellectual property is too often exclusively focused on industrial models of commoditized information. This is only part of the story of intellectual property. More attention should be given to empirical research that situates copyright law as cultural policy and considers the value of creativity and information exchange outside of the context of industrial production.

Ana Santos, Duke Law School, USA

There is a lot of assessment and categorization work to be done with regard to IP norms and policies in African countries. While there has been a boom of both scholarly and non-scholarly articles on phenomena like Nollywood, little attention has been paid to other blooming creative industries in Africa and to the role that IP laws, policies, perceptions, misconstructions and fallacies have played in fostering/hindering economic and cultural development in Africa.

Paul Keller, Kennisland/Communia/Creative Commons, Netherlands 

From our perspective it would be extremely useful to see research into the attitudes of rights holders who do not commercially or otherwise exploit their works anymore. Given the long duration of copyright and discussions around subjects such as orphan works, mass digitization, extended collective licensing and registration of works it is crucial to gain insight into the motivations of creators/rights-holders that have effectively abandoned their works.

In most policy discussions, this group of rights holders/creators is subsumed within the position of organised rights holders/creators with the latter generally using the need to ‘protect’ unidentified or inactive rights holders as part of their arguments. It is quite credible that rights holders/creators who do not actively exploit their works or are fully inactive have different attitudes (and motivations1 from rights holders/creators who are actively exploiting their works. To my knowledge there is very little work being done on the motivation / attitudes of this specific group.

Mirek Filiciak, University of Social Sciences and Humanities/Centrum Cyfrowe, Poland 

The main problem we identify is combining cultural/sociological perspectives with economist perspectives. There is a wide array of problems that need to be described and understood, starting with the sustainability of new business models. Also the need to build a new theoretical framework that would prove that open production models and a belief that “culture is not just a commodity” defend themselves also in economic terms. We’d love to do it by ourselves, but we have had a hard time finding smart economists to work with, and companies which could share their economic / financial data.

Last but not least – there’s a need to establish some global database for the exchange of data by people interested in the topics we’re focused on. It’s probably much more complicated than it sounds, but it eventually would make our research better and more cost-efficient.

Two narrower suggestions: First, a small qualitative study of blind students, looking at their practices related to copying and content use. While conducting the Shadow Libraries survey I’ve met a few visually impaired doctoral students, for whom a big part of educational materials is inaccessible.

The other is an attempt to establish more representative image of informal content-related practices within universities, by conducting a full, representative quantitative survey.

Both of these study would allow us to further develop a view and understanding of informal circulations of content, which are our (Alek Tarkowski and mine1 team’s main area of interest.

Jessica Litman, University of Michigan, USA

Empirical research on how the copyright system does and doesn’t work is sorely needed.  We all have intuitions about how copyright law does and does not affect creativity, investment and distribution, but there is almost no research examining whether those intuitions actually reflect the world (and if so, which ones of them1.  That makes it very difficult for purveyors of dueling intuitions to even have a conversation.

Kristin Thomson, Future of Music Coalition’s Artist Revenue Streams Project, USA

From the musician revenue perspective, we’re always keen on having Artist Revenue Streams work replicated in other countries. We’ve had conversations with key organizations and individuals in Canada, the UK and some smaller European countries, but we lack the funding to proceed. If anyone wants to work with us to make this happen, we’d love to talk.

Miguel Caetano, Center for the Study and Research of Sociology, ISCTE-IUL, Portugal

I’d like to see more research focused on the material traces of filesharers’ activities on BitTorrent sites and trackers, mainly to assess the level of cultural diversity as well as of dispersion/concentration of attention in the informal circuit when compared to the formal market. For all the talk about the “long tail” of online content both on legitimate as well as illegitimate sites, we should have a better picture of what kind of works generate more traffic—that is, if blockbusters and bestsellers still rule in the informal circuit or if content originated from niche artists and creators get a bigger share of activity. But there is still little data regarding this and adjacent issues.

In addition, I would like to see more “ethnographic” or other qualitative research on the inner life of private sharing communities like BitTorrent trackers (What.cd, Karagarga, Waffles.fm…1 in order to better understand the internal structures that govern these communities and ensure the continuity of a common-pool resource. The self-regulation mechanisms of file sharing communities could be used to inform public policies more in tune to Internet users’ daily practices.

Finally, I’d like to see more quantitative comparative analysis of the content available on legitimate streaming services like Spotify and Netflix and illegitimate file sharing sites and communities across different countries and languages.  These could provide evidence that streaming subscriptions are not currently organized in a way that provides acceptable legal alternatives for many Internet users in many countries. Even when the services are available, there are other barriers, such as geographical restrictions on the contents users are allowed to see.

Pablo Arrieta, Red Para Todos, Colombia

I would like to see more work on the general inferiority of the new digital services deployed in peripheral or poor countries and the resulting use of circumvention techniques by consumers.  The offerings of local services (like Netflix) are poor in comparison to other countries (e.g., the Colombian catalogue vs. the USA catalogue). This leads to geographical circumvention strategies, such as the use of  VPNs to change their location in order to have (paid) access to the content they consider interesting.  Such arbitrary geographical licensing practices are common but are largely unexamined.  The consumer practices that circumvent them are even more of a black box.

Relatedly, banking requirements remain an important barrier to access to the digital economy in developing countries.  In order to buy digital goods in many countries, vendors require credit cards and give no option of “gift cards” or other payment methods. In countries like Colombia (with only a 30% of its population using at least a savings account1 this is a powerful barrier to access. The adoption of cellphones, in constrast, has been rapid in part because of the proliferation of alternative payment models, such as cash cards.  How much of the ‘problem’ of piracy is attributable to these barriers to payment? Are there regulatory strategies that would permit governments to punish companies for passive response on “supply” but active engagement on “law enforcement”?

Ramon Lobato and Julian Thomas, Swindburne University, Australia

Among other things, we would like to document the established and emerging workarounds – VPNs, proxies, etc – that people are using to counteract geoblocking and other digital barriers. The aim would be to get a sense of the mainstreaming of this kind of technology and how it shapes the geography of digital media. This study would be Australia-based in terms of use and policy issues, but with an inevitable international dimension (the services used are located in many different nations).  We are also planning a preliminary study of IP norms in relation to 3D printing, which involves analysis of emerging infrastructures for disseminating 3D models for household printing, using a case study approach.

It would also be helpful to have a deeper understanding of the practices and priorities of government and industry research on media flows, as this sensitive information is not always easy to access. A simple strategy to achieve this would be to stage, then publish, dialogues and interviews between industry practitioners, regulators and scholars. Journal publications are not particularly useful for this task as the publication times are too long, unfortunately. Perhaps there is a need for alternative publication formats to showcase this kind of work.

Alek Tarkowski, Centrum Cyfrowe / Creative Commons Poland / Communia, Poland 

At Centrum Cyfrowe, we plan to continue our sociological and anthropological investigations of content use and copying practices, and of the copyright system. For example, in our policy work we look closely at exceptions and limitations to authors’ rights. We would like to supplement this work with dedicated studies of practices in such milieus as schools and libraries—working on a general assumption that a modern copyright should follow contemporary practices.

Studies of the use of open/free content are also needed to prove the value of such resources. Having said that, we believe that ultimately economic arguments are crucial – thus we are striving to work more closely with economists, and on the economic aspects of these processes. This is difficult, due to lack of theories that span these different fields, but even more importantly, to the difficulty of obtaining good data, which is often held by private companies.

Based on the Polish context and ongoing debate, there’s also need for research that demonstrates relevance of copyright beyond the cultural sector, as a lot of the debates seem focused on cultural content and its creators, while ignoring, for example, the influence of copyright on research and science.

With relation to open content and its production models, in the long term we see a need for a theoretical study comparing the underlying ideologies, licensing rules and content production models of different “strands of open” (OA, OER, open data, etc.1.

Finally, I think that it would be interesting to attempt a “holistic” mapping of flows of funds attached to content (and content, measured through content use metrics, for example1 throughout the society, taking for example into account both public domain, orphan and copyrighted works; content not just in the cultural, but also educational and scientific sector; and different financial flows, in particular those based on copyright law requirements.

Rosana Pinheiro Machado, University of Oxford, UK 

I wish we could put street markets and the trade of fake goods on the agenda of human rights, taking into account the millions of people involved in this activity in the developing countries.  Informal economies and the trade of fake goods are huge sources of employment, but at the same time, a field in which, people are exploited in numerous ways away from formal regulatory forces. Neither a laissez-faire nor strict enforcement approach is possible. In both cases, policies are put in place to satisfy major international institutions.

Balázs Bodó, Institute for Information Law, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands

I have two suggestions. The first one is related to the empirical research on copyright policies. The copyright field lacks any official registry, due to the fact the copyright protection is not tied to formalities.  This means that market data is the best proxy we have to the number of works in print, their  availability in different forms, the supply of new works, the demand, etc.  The effectiveness of copyright policies can be assessed through the observation of cultural markets. The problem is that market data is (a) very segmented, and (b) is treated as trade secret by those intermediaries who serve different markets: Google, Amazon, Spotify, Netflix, etc.

The inaccessibility of data on market transactions, on supply and demand; the privatization of knowledge on the cultural flows in the digital domain limits any effort to produce sound research on the economic mechanisms copyright is set to regulate. If copyright related industries have as much weight in the GDP of developed nations as for example agriculture, or energy , we should treat them with equal importance and make sure that the statistics we gather and the data we have on the flows and processes of this sector are as thorough and deep as what we have in those other economic sectors. Better statistical data gathering can and should be amended by an obligation on private cultural intermediaries, such as Amazon, to systematically report on the state of the market they control: supply and demand of works they have in their database, prices, etc. Much of that information is already available through existing APIs or on their public websites, the systematic gathering and archiving of such data is however an insurmountable problem. This can easily be solved by imposing data reporting obligations on those market players who are in the position to oversee a significant share of certain market transactions.

My second suggestion concerns the macro-environment of copyright debates. The recent release of Tor based Piratebrowser signaled that anti-surveillance and anti-copyright digital resistance movements started to merge. Many different groups started to gather behind the shield of dual-use privacy protecting technologies, pirates being one of them. We can expect copyright enforcement arguments to appear in the debate on how to regulate privacy technologies, which forces us, researchers to rethink our questions and arguments in the wider context of digital freedoms and broader digital human rights.

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